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What Iraq do the Kurds want?
5.9.2008
By Hiwa Osman
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September 5, 2008
In the absence of a permanent United States presence
in Kurdistan--something that would be welcomed by
almost every Kurd--the Iraq that the Kurds and most
Iraqis want when US troops withdraw is one that is
at peace with itself and the world. They want a
federal democracy with a good democratic government
that upholds the values of the free world: an Iraq
where all citizens are equal and their rights are
respected.
The elements of this dream are there. The
constitution, referred to by many politicians as the
cornerstone of the new Iraq, provides for all of the
above. The foundations for the new Iraq are being
laid now, but the project is not likely to be
completed in the near future. The political process
still needs to mature. It is still hostage to the
principles of quota and consensus among
participating parties that are mostly identified
along religious and sectarian lines. |

Hiwa Osman is a Baghdad-based journalist and a
former media advisor to President Jalal Talabani. |
This weakens a common
national identity and strengthens the sectarian and
ethnic divide in society by empowering the political
parties that represent these identities, rendering
it a lot more difficult to separate religion from
the state. In fact, we still depend heavily on the
role of religious figures. On many important issues,
the final word is still that of Grand Ayatollah Ali
Sistani.
While Iraqis realize that a true democratic Iraq
will obviously entail the rule of the Shi'ite
majority, they are also convinced that the days of
exclusive rule by one group are over. The first 80
years of Iraq's history clearly demonstrate that no
single group or leader alone can rule the country.
The only guarantee for minorities is a federal
structure that empowers local and regional
governments and allows the various Iraqi communities
to conduct their own affairs.
Baghdad does not seem ready to digest the concept of
federalism. This is still a new concept for Iraqis.
They have become used to a strong central state with
a strong leader. The Kurds are the only people who
are actively seeking to hammer out a federal
structure for the country. Yet federalism should be
not only a Kurdish cause,www.ekurd.net
but an Iraqi cause.
"They seem to have forgotten what strong centers and
strong leaders did to them," remarked a Kurdish
political analyst recently about Iraqis in general.
Thus the current debate between the Kurdistan region
and Baghdad is over a true federal status for the
region and the shaping of a federal architecture for
the new Iraq.
Some in Baghdad feel that over the past few years
"concessions" were given to Kurdistan due to
Baghdad's weakness and that with the security gains
Baghdad is making, "this must stop." This is simply
the wrong attitude to take. Powers should be
devolved to the regions out of Baghdad's
understanding of the strengths involved in having a
true federal system. The country will be owned by
all, as opposed to being owned by the center only.
The Kurds still need some time to develop confidence
in Baghdad. Talks over oil contracts, the share of
the budget and the status of Peshmerga forces are
all issues whose settlement will provide the Kurds
with assurances that the old days are not going to
be repeated. For example, the dispute over oil
contracts is not about the size of the revenue the
Kurds want to get. Rather, to the Kurds, a national
oil policy rather than a central one will enable the
Kurdish areas to benefit from developing the oil
industry of Iraq.
The Kurds realize that they are in a marriage with
Baghdad and divorce is not an option. At the same
time, they feel disappointed by their allies and
counter-signatories to the constitution. They feel
they have performed their obligation toward Baghdad.
"When they need us to fight terrorists, we are their
partners, but when it comes to our rights in
deciding for ourselves, we become adversaries," said
a Kurdish politician involved in the talks with
Baghdad recently.
Ironing out the differences and reaching a workable
relationship with Baghdad will need some time. The
help and presence of the US is vital to settle these
issues. A federal structure will allow more room for
development and good governance and less room for
corruption and putting the blame on the other side.
Iraqis are still picking up the rubble of the
destruction caused by the former regime, the terror
campaign and the internal fighting that followed. In
this process, people usually look for someone to put
the blame on. But when people are busy building
their own regions, they don't usually ask whether
the builder is Shi'ite or Sunni,www.ekurd.net
Kurd or Arab. Rather the
test is, can they do the job or not. Of course
corruption and mismanagement may take place, but it
is a lot easier to fight them at the regional rather
than the national level, provided there exist the
right anti-corruption bodies and they are not
politicized.
While the Kurds are looking at internal arrangements
for their future, they are also mindful of the
regional dynamics that could dictate the future of
Iraq as a whole and the Kurdistan region in
particular. They are quietly eyeing the showdown
between Iran and the international community. If
Iran survives this, it will have a huge say in the
future shape and nature of Iraq and the Middle East.
The Kurds also realize the importance of their
neighbor Turkey. It is key to a peaceful future that
Turkey be at peace with a Kurdish federal region on
its border. Similarly, the Kurds will have to assure
the Turks that they are not a threat to them. They
will have to demonstrate that they serve as a factor
of stability rather than irritation.
After all and if all else fails, Turkey is the only
access the Kurds have to the free world.
Hiwa Osman is the Iraq country director for the
Institute for War & Peace Reporting and a former
media advisor to President Jalal Talabani.
Author's e-mail: hiwaosman (at) hotmail.com
This commentary first appeared at
bitterlemons-international.org, an online
newsletter.
Copyright, respective author or news agency,
bitterlemons-international org
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