Today different people speak about Kobane in different ways. The fact is it is for more than a year since ISIS has started blockading Kobane. Their recent attack started two months ago, and Kobane has been resisting the attack for more than forty days now. This time ISIS has rallied all they have in power. They are sending forces to Kobane from towns like Raqqah, Manbij , Jarabulus, etc. They are armed with different sorts of heavy weaponry. Despite all these, the People’s Protection Units( known by YPG, the Kurdish acronym) and Women’s Protection Units (known by YPJ, the Kurdish acronym) are resisting ISIS and the resistance will go on of course. The resistance has made the news in regional and international levels, which is heartwarming to the defenders of Kobani.

Holding placards and chanting slogans might be a hopeful sign but not enough. Has there been consequential military support?

It can be viewed from different aspects. First, it promoted unity among Kurdish nation in northern, eastern, and southern Kurdistan. Many Kurds joined the resistance, especially from northern Kurdistan. It also led to spiritual support from the abroad and informed the public as to what is happening in Kobane. These had positive influence on the resistance and the morale of the defenders. Several countries officially reacted to the resistance. The US, European countries, various political parties, NGOs officially expressed their support for us, which will, in its turn, have good effect on our project to build up a democratic Syria.

Let’s pause here to consider this issue more if you please. Would you shed light on the democratic self-rule administration system? Isn’t transcending the nation-state system and opposing it going to be problematic for you in diplomatic games? As you know, the whole world is administered based on this system now and any efforts to change it is opposing the whole system.

Let me provide an example. We are aware that Syria is a multi-national and multi-cultural country. We Kurds, Arabs, Turkmens, Čerkes, Syriacs, Assyrians, Christians, Alavites, etc. live in coexistence. The continuance of this system is possible through democratic political project not through centralized system. Centralist systems are outmoded and they won’t help the future of Syria. This project [democratic self-rule] is not only for Kurds or a specific political party, and all peoples can lead a convenient life under this system. Just look at the peaceful coexistence of different peoples in the cantons. Interaction among cultures, fusion, and a spirit of tolerance can be seen. In the democratic self-rule system “the people” decide. All the affairs of the system are conducted through elections. Different parties are included in the system. For example, in Cizire (Jazira) Canton, due to the national and religious variety, one of the two deputees of the prime-minister is a Syriac woman called Elizabeth Gawrie, and the other deputee is Dr. Hussein Taza Al Azam, who is an Arab. Although we proposed this project, we asked for their opinions, too, and this process of inquiries about opinions took three months, the result of which was the current consensus of opinions we have now.

If such a system is at work, why there is dispute between you and other Kurdish Rojava (Western Kurdistan) parties? They say PYD impedes their participation.

From the beginning of the establishment of this system, there was an open call for all parties to participate. This system is to include all the peoples of the region and the future of Syria. We have no conflicts with them. Right now in the Cizire (Jazira) Canton, eleven political parties are involved in active participation. Many non-governmental organizations including youth movments and women’s movements are active and there has been no problem so far. We all are striving to build up a free canton, where the rights of Kurds and non-Kurds are respected.

We are witnessing the bombardment shakes and airplane roars. ISIS has cut off electricity and water supply to the city, and there are special circumstances. There are two possibilities here. The final victory of the Kobani resistance or its fall. What would the situation be in each case? It should be noted that there are many groups and countries who look forward to the fall of Kobani. What should be done in your opinion?

I am sure Kobani will pass this stage. Therefore, I don’t consider the second possibility. Our aim is to establish common life and co-striving, and YPG has been defending it in an act of utmost bravery and they will go on protecting it. Since the goal behind Kobani resistance is building up a common equal society, it will never fall. We are striving to make life meaningful, and those who are familiar with leading a free life will never accept living in slavery. So as long as there is ISIS, there is resistance. We are fighting against the antihuman culture of ISIS. To defend humans and humanity is our main goal. Life has ceased wherever they have set foot in. Just look at Shangal. Maintaining the resistance line is among our top priorities, and of course, this demands the supply of heavy weaponry. To break the siege, it’s necessary to build up a corridor. It will positively help the resistance to go on. Civilians can exit and non-governmental organization and free media can be informed about the situation. Consequently, the global society will follow the Kobani situation, and humanitarian aid will arrive in the city through this corridor, and if anyone is willing to join YPG, they can do so easily through eh corridor 

Kobani is under siege from three sides. So by building up a corridor, you mean through the Northern Kurdistan (in Turkey). Have you tried to talk this over with Turkey? What was the response?

Yes, we have had meetings with Turkey about the ISIS issue, both in party and in democratic self-rule levels. They make verbal promises but nothing has been in done true action. They say YPD is an offshoot of PKK.

Let’s talk more openly about Turkey’s role. A few days ago Erdogan stated that, for them, there is no difference between PYD and ISIS and they are both terrorists. It is no secret that they oppose a Kurdish political system in Rojava. How do you see the situation?

We have stated several times that we have no problem with Turkey, and it is one of the countries with whom we are ready to talk. Turkey is our neighbor and, besides, ISIS is a big threat to the peoples of Turkey, too. Unfortunately, statements like this [that of Erdogan] are attacks on the achievements of Kurdish people in Rojava. Turkey is following this policy by turning PYD into an excuse. We are a Kurdish party who believes in a democratic Syria, and we oppose the secession from Syria. Such a position is not even in Turkey’s interests. They have to reconsider their position on Rojava.

Do you receive orders from Qandil and Emrali?

We have no organizational relations with PKK. As a political party, we are independent in our organizational activities. Our conferences are held publicly. We have our own parliament and all decisions are made by PYD itself. Mr. Ocalan is philosophically inspirational not only for YPD but also for other peoples, and it is natural for us to use his experiences, thoughts, and views. We present our project in the framework of Syria, considering the specific circumstances of this country, and we are ready to negotiate with anyone and any sides in this regard.

A few weeks ago, Ocalan gave Turkey an ultimatum and asserted that if Kobani falls, the peace process in Northern Kurdistan will stop, too. What do you think of that process?

This process is of specific importance to us, too, and we make every effort to play a constructive role in leading this process. But this process cannot make progress one-sidedly. Turkish government’s treatment of the Kurdish issue in Rojava will affect the peace process in Northern Kurdistan. Their [Turkey’s] successful experience here, will be of benefit to them in Northern Kurdistan. If Turkey does not consent to Kurdish rights here, can we expect them to consent to Kurdish rights in Northern Kurdistan in the future? This is a mutual process and has a political solution.

Women are prominently presence in you armed forces. Some people believe that this is something temporary and after the situation is calmed down and the power has been stabilized, gradually they lose their roles. What is your opinion in this regard?

The history of the women of the world and Kurdish women arouses such apprehensions. There have been many revolutions whose promises were broken after the victory. All this can be discussed and it will be helpful for our current experience. We are pursuing two revolutions at the moment, women’s revolution and that of the democratic nation. One is not supposed to substitute the other and there are no priorities. In other words, there are no first or second priorities. We women want to participate in all affairs of the life. Both in social and political levels and in other fields and spheres. It was women who strengthened the democratic self-rule. We never concede to the idea that we should keep women in the traditional role until the Kurdish question is solved, and then, we can attend to the woman question. On the contrary, we believe that the problem cannot be solved this way. These have to be done in parallel. Exercising women’s rights is not only a demand but a necessity to be met. And women’s participation in the revolution and its structures will lead to the exercise of their rights.

At the moment women manage 40 percent of the organizations and it everyone feels home with it. Even in practice there have been times we have had even higher percentages of participation. Women themselves decide here. We have our own parliament, and there is an academy to educate women, and there is a big number of women in all organizations and organs. We have our own views and policies as women and this is something new not only for Kurdish women but alsowww.Ekurd.net for all the women around the world. YPJ, or the Women Protection Units, has had an undeniable role in educating women from the beginning of the revolution up to now. The first women who stood up against ISIS were the women of Rojava. In YPJ, education is not only military training. They try to encourage their will and help them realize their full potentials. We must remember that ISIS is firstly a threat against women, and this is something self-evident. In Shangal, women faced not only a physical massacre but a mental massacre too. And this, of course, has its roots in the view of such groups about women.

There has been news that ISIS has used chemical weapons in Kobani, and some pictures has been circulated in this regard. How much truth is in this news and does ISIS pose a chemical threat to you?

Some investigations have been carried out about a suspicious substance. But it could not be recognized due to the lack of technical facilities. This substance has had effects on 300 our fighters who were defending one part of the city, and these effects lasted from the evening to the morning. We could not recognize what the substance exactly was, but incestigations are going on.

There are rumors that you are still having relations with the Ba’th regime and Bashar Assas, and it is also said that Assad’s special forces are still in Qamishlou.

From the beginning of the revolution in Syria we chose the third way; we sided neither with the regime nor the opposition. We are about to establish a new social system, and to accomplish this goal, we are ready to talk to all sides. And we have clear positions on them. They have attacked us several times and have caused obstructions. Hundreds of our fellow citizens have been martyred by them in Aleppo. These rumors have their origin elsewhere. They start such rumors under the pretext that since we have not joined the opposition, we are with the regime. This is while the coalition itself was not democratic. They refused to recognize Kurdish rights and we kept our distance. And Assad’s regime has not had a clear position on the democratic self-rule and this impedes any relation between us and them. If any of the sides recognize our self-rule at any time, we will start talks with them.

Which of the Syrian parties are more willing to recognize Kurdish rights?

They are not much different in this regard. And the coalition parties, which recognize Kurdish rights to some extent, do not hold much power and weight.

Is there oil in Western Kurdistan (Rojava)?

Yes. Oil can be found in Ramilan but the sale has been stopped.

What are your plans for the growth of production, the establishment of a multi-product economy, and the stabilization of the economy of Rojava?

The Ba’th Regime had marginalized Western Kurdistan, not paying it much attention. We had been deprived of all we had. The growth of our region needs a comprehensive program. Now we have lots of facilities and opportunities and we need to work on them. This way, we can trade with the abroad and avoid being dependent on one product. For now, it is war time but after we get past this situation, we have to deal with economic issues.

Let’s talk about Kurdistan’s Regional Government’s position on Rojava’s self-rule. Recently the parliament of Southern Kurdistan (GRG’s parliament) has recognized Rojava’s self-rule. And they are about to send Peshmerga (KRG’s armed forces) to Kobani. What do you think of their support for you, or the obstructions they might have made for you during the last three years?

There have been many meetings and some decisions have been made. But they have not been enough. We Kurds are in critical times right now; the recent events have opened up numerous opportunities in different domains for Kurds. The recent sitting of the Kurdish parties was an important step. The Peshmerga’s coming here passes through the parliament and they are 200 fighters.

Don’t you think it was a late decision? Have you criticized the KRG in this regard?

We politicians are sometimes critical of one another. But we don’t complain. Basically, we are happy about this decision and consider it positively. We have relations with all the parties in Southern Kurdistan and we don’t differentiate among them.

And some Kurdish parties in Southern Kurdistan have expressed their opposition to you.

Yes, but at the present time unity among Kurdish nation is the priority. Everybody knows which party has made obstructions and which has helped and is helping.

Recently you have had talks with the US, to which Turkey showed severe reaction, of course. The US considers PKK a terrorist group. How are you relations with them?

The US does not consider PYD a terrorist organization. And this has been officially announced by their Foreign Ministry. Yes, it’s true; there have been official meetings between us and these meetings will go on in the future. Now we face the assault of ISIS. Having gained heavy weaponry, they are determined to exterminate us with all their power. It was after the Kobani resistance that a coalition against ISIS was formed, and the US is a member of the coalition. At the present time, whoever stands beside us, helps us, against the ISIS, we will be with them. The US has helped us once be sending arms.

If, following such helps, the other side, the US for example, makes a demand which goes against your principle of democratic self-rule, what would you do?

Our negotiations and meetings with different sides is carried out on the basis of common combat. If the side we are talking to attempts to interfere in our political affairs, that will not be a talk. At the moment there is a common combat against ISIS. ISIS is a threat to all humanity, and we are ready to talk to different sides in order to annihilate this group. Sending heavy weaponry and military aid is crucial for YPG. ISIS has heavy weaponry. International coalition, Human Rights and non-governmental organizations, and Kurdish forces must strive to have the siege of Kobani ended. Kobani resistance and the battle against ISIS will be no longer limited to Kobani. It will continue up until Arab people in Raqqa and other places are free from the hands of ISIS.

In what levels are your relations with the Iranian government? Do you have any relations with them at all?

We have no relations with them.

Have they helped in regard with Kobani?

No. There has been no such help. Those willing to give military aid talk to YPG. And the political matters are handled by the democratic self-rule. But there has been no such thing up to now, and we don’t need to talk about something which has never existed.

The people of Eastern Kurdistan are anxiously following the Kobani situation. Tell us about that part of Kurdistan.

That part of Kurdistan has a specific history of resistance. There has been many uprisings. An undemocratic system is ruling Iran which blockades the movement and resistance of the people of that part of Kurdistan. A democratic system needs to be established for the peoples of Iran; it is crucial to create and make preparations for such a system. And as to the Kobani resistance, Eastern Kurdistan had a pioneering role. We were aware of the demonstrations held there, and we even knew that some of the demonstrators were arrested, which had a negative effect on the resistance. We were also conscious that the reactions [as to Kobani] were not limited to Kurds, and members of other peoples took part in those actions, too.

Do you have relations with the parties of Eastern Kurdistan?

We have relations with all Kurdish parties. 

Copyright © 2014 Ekurd.net. All rights reserved 
 

The article submitted to Ekurd.net by Kamal Chomani. Chomani, is a senior Kurdish journalist covering Kurdish politics in Iraq, Turkey, Syria, and Iran for local and international outlets. He previously served on the editorial staff of the leading Kurdish political Lvin Magazine and was a Reporters Without Borders correspondent in the Kurdistan Region. He was shortlisted in the 2013 International Media Awards and holds an MA in English literature in Bangalore University, India. On Twitter: @KamalChomani

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